Sunday, December 7, 2014

A Chronology of Media Psychology Research


Research and discussion of the media has taken place long before the designation of media psychology as a field of study. The humanities and social sciences have discussed the implications of media since the written text overtook the oral tradition. Philosophers as early as Plato explored the implication of the switch from an oral to a written culture. The influence of mass media has been discussed since the entrance of the movable type printing press in the 15th century. Although thinking about media has taken place for 2,500 years, how we think about media has changed over time.


We will begin our investigation in Ancient Greece. Early philosophers discussed not only the use of persuasion and rhetoric in speaking and writing, they also considered the psychological effects of media including speaking, writing, visual arts, and music. The sophist explored how the way something is said affects how it is received. This research in rhetorical analysis continues in contemporary media studies. Plato (427-347 B.C.E.) discussed the influence of music and visual art on the individual and groups. He warned against the power of poetry and even advised on which music to avoid when sad, angry, or happy.


Perhaps one of the most extensive philosophical critiques in media comes from Plato in the dialogue The Phaedrus. Written around 379 B.C.E., this dialogue between Socrates and Phaedrus explores the merits of speaking over writing. A fundamental text of media studies, The Phaedrus also explores rhetoric and the power of language. In The Phaedrus, Plato also has his character Socrates describe his theory of the soul, or personality. This dialogue is one of the essential texts for thinking about media and the individual and culture.

Aristotle (384-322 B.C.E.) is another Ancient Greek thinker on media. Ranging in topics from political rhetoric to how we come to make meaning, Aristotle is frequently cited by contemporary media philosophers. Some of his most referenced works for media psychologists are: De Anima, Metaphysics, Nicomachean Ethics, Rhetorica, Politica, and De Poetica.

Philosophical discourse on media continues to be a prominent area of study. From Ancient Greece, through the Roman Empire, Medieval Scholasticism, Enlightenment Modernism, Romanticism, and existentialism, through contemporary Postmodern theory, much of media research is informed by philosophy. A few names from philosophy that you will encounter include: G.W.F. Hegel, Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Martin Heidegger, Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean Baudrillard, Jacques Derrida, and Slavoj Žižek.

Sociologists and political theorists have a long tradition of media critical media research. Take for example this passage from Alexis de Tocqueville’s 1840 text, Democracy in America.


“In France the space allotted to commercial advertisements is very limited, and… the essential part of the journal is the politics of the day. In America three quarters of the enormous sheet are filled with advertisements and the remainder is frequently occupied by political intelligence or trivial anecdotes; it is only from time to time that one finds a corner devoted to the passionate discussions like those which the journalists of France every day give to their readers.”

By the mid nineteenth century, newspaper and magazine circulation established circulation as the criteria for the value of advertising space. The political and economical interests in these media led to an interest in understanding the audience reception of the media and the messages. Advertisers wanted to best understand how to influence readers to purchase their products, as did the newspapers and magazines who published those ads. The greater the readership (circulation) the more valuable the ad space. The interest in audience reception was not limited to the publishers and advertisers. Politicians were interested in the reception of their political messages by audiences. Politics and commerce were the two driving forces of early media analysis.

One of the first, contemporary, shapers of media research was Walter Lippman. Lippman was a strong critic of journalism and journalists. Lippman penned two books that laid the groundwork for media research. His 1920 text, Liberty and the News called for a more scientific and objective journalism. In 1922 he published Public Opinion in which he applied the principles of psychology to journalism. According to some scholars, Public Opinion is the first, contemporary, work of media scholarship.

The 1930s were the golden age of radio. The first broadcast medium, radio quickly found itself experimenting with programming and revenue models. Taking the newspaper and magazine industry as a model, adspace became adtime, and listener numbers dictated the value of that adtime. Researchers developed new techniques in establishing who was listening to show; and when, on the radio.

The ambitions of advertisers, publishers, politicians, and academics describes the four, original kinds of research done in the media: public opinion research, propaganda analysis, marketing research, and social science research. Beginning in the 1920s, each of these groups employed various methods of research to gather data and form theories of how audiences receive media and messages.

Media historians usually point to Walter Lippmann’s 1922 text Public Opinion, as the starting point for contemporary media research and analysis. The text, divided into 28 chapters, analyzes a large spectrum of mass media issues, including how reality is shaped and how newspapers are organized. Two years earlier, Lippman published Liberty and the News, which explained journalism as a fourth-estate at the objective and just service of democracy. Chapters included titles such as Journalism and the Higher Laws. By 1925 Lippman demonstrated the susceptibility of the American political system to mass media propaganda. The Phantom Public is essential study for social and media psychologists.

Propaganda, originally referred to a kind of evangelizing done by 17th century Catholic missionaries. In its contemporary sense, it is a sort of political evangelizing of an ideology. The word refers to the Latin propagare, referring to the propagation, or spreading, of an ideology. An ideology is a systematic organization of ideas into a worldview. An awareness of government propaganda in  World War I resulted in an emergence of research into the methods and function of persuasive techniques. Propaganda Technique in the World War by Harold Lasswell is an important, early, treatise on media propaganda.

The father of public relations, Edward Bernays, was working as a government opinion shaper as early as 1913. The nephew of Sigmund Freud, Bernays would promote psychoanalysis to advertising and public relations for the next 60 years. Bernays published over 20 books on social influence, some of which are said to have been a part of the library of Nazi propagandist Joseph Goebbels. Although his uncle and founder of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud did not approve of Bernays’s use of his theory for commercial and political gain, Bernays publication of Frued’s writings in America made Greenwich Village the “psychoanalytic capital of the world”.

In the 1930s, social scientists emerged as the authoritative voice in media research. In an attempt to measure the audience’s attitudes, public opinion research came to dominate the research. Mainly through polls, audiences were asked about their media consumption and data was statistically analyzed. The assumption was that people could objectively report what and why they consumed their chosen media. This was contrary to the psychoanalytic research, which assumed an unconsciously motivated, irrationally driven audience.

Between 1929 and 1932 the most significant, early study of media took place. The Payne Fund Studies was funded by a private philanthropic group and consisted of 13 studies focusing on the effects of motion pictures on the youth. The Payne Fund Studies found a correlation between juvenile delinquency, antisocial behavior, and promiscuity and movie consumption. A famous study used galvanometers to measure skin response during cinema viewing. The results showed that you people were most affected by cinema violence.

Meanwhile, marketing research was gearing up in the 1920s and by the 1930s was major part of the media industry. Applying social scientific, sociological, and psychoanalytic methods to advertising, media professionals sought the most effective way to convince audiences to purchase goods and services. Marketing research continues to be a formidable sector in the media industry. Research methods like subject interview and focus group feature prominently in advertising research.

In the 1930s, industrialization spurred a mass movement from agricultural towns to urban cities. The mass became a nameless, faceless, object of analysis for academics. Psychology, sociology, and psychoanalysis became interested in the group, in the mass psychology of the crowd. By 1933, when Hitler’s Nazi party became democratically elected by the German people, the social sciences were approaching the mass research at full-throttle. Titles such as The Mass Psychology of Fascism, The Authoritarian Personality, and The Sane Society explored the individual’s influence on the group, and the group’s influence on the individual.

By 1937, Princeton University and The Rockefeller supported the Radio Research Project. An all-star academic team including: Gordon Allport, Paul Lazarsfeld, Theodor Adorno, Frank Stanton, and Hadley Cantril investigated the effects of mass media on audiences and individuals. This research group examined listener habits and the influence of radio broadcast. Two of the most famous studies were of on the effects of the October 1938 broadcast of The War of The Worlds and the Little Annie Project, which introduced the Stanton-Lazarsfeld Program Analyzer. This research tool allowed subjects to rate programming in real-time. The researchers disagreed on methodology, resulting in Critical Theorist Theodor Adorno leaving the group in 1941. This split illustrates the ideological and methodological differences between cultural media studies and media effects studies that exists in the field. In the 1940s, Columbia University absorbed the Radio Research Project and renamed it the Bureau of Applied Social Research. Headed by Paul Lazarsfeld, the research institute functioned until 1977.

At the BASR, Lazarsfeld and his colleagues came to four major conclusions: 1. Mass media increased status for issues and institutions, 2. mass media created a sense of “normal” by showcasing oddities, 3. mass media decreased action and increased viewing, and 4. mass media propagates issues by monopolization (dominate the message), canalization (dominate the platform), and supplementation (meet face-to-face). The period of Lazarsfeld’s work is often referred to as the functionalist school of media studies.

A series of major research projects followed. In 1940, The People’s Choice study examined the 1940 presidential election between Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Wendell Willkie. Using radio broadcasts, Roosevelt secured a third-term as President of the United States. The study revealed that people seek out messages that are consistent with their attitudes (called selective exposure) and both interpret and remember messages differently, depending on their attitudes (selective perception and selective retention). The People’s Choice Study also established two other important concepts in media psychology: 1. media does not convert, it reinforces a person’s position, and 2. Media influences opinion leaders who go on to influence the masses (two-step flow model).

The effects of cinema, television, and comic books were prominent in the 1950s. Treated in much the same way as video games are today, many of our culture’s social-ills were attributed to these three media. Television in the LIves of Our Children was published by Wilbur Schramm at Stanford University. Regarding adolescent and child television viewing, Schramm concluded:
“For some children, under some conditions, some television is harmful. For other children under the same conditions, or for the same children under other conditions, it may be beneficial. For most children, under most conditions, most television is probably neither particularly harmful nor particularly beneficial. . . .”

Comic books came under close scrutiny in the 1950s. In 1954, Dr. Fredric Wertham published a text of exhaustive research on comic books and juvenile delinquency, provocatively entitled, Seduction of the Innocent. Wertham claimed that comic books promoted violence and sexual aberrations, including homosexuality in the Batman and Robin series.

Although psychoanalysis and psychodynamic psychology played an influential role in media research through the 1960s, the American psychologists were largely behaviorists. After a scandalous affair with a graduate student resulted in his dismissal from Johns Hopkins University, John B. Watson, the father of behaviorism, took a position at the J. Walter Thompson advertising agency in New York City. Watson applied the concepts of behavioral learning to ad design. The shift in the social sciences away from qualitative research resulted in an almost rigid preference for “scientific,” quantitative, research data.

An example of early, “data driven” research is work done by Hilde Himmelweit at the London School of Economics. In one of her studies, Himmelweit examined 1,854 child television viewers in 4 British cities. through surveys and observations, they concluded that television had its greatest influence on areas in which the children had no previous influence. They also found that repeated, dramatic, contextual narrative increased the influence of the message on children.

In the 1960s a number of criticism were aimed at the media effects approach. These critics claimed that media effects used a hypodermic needle approach that understood the individual as a passive, and involuntarily controlled, object to the media message. The critics also claimed that psychology should: 1. be looking at violent individuals rather than violent media, 2. should consider children in their cognitive developmental stage, 3. be aware of their conservative biases, 4. more precisely define their area of study, 5. refine their methodology and interpretation of data, 6. become more aware of their biases regarding the masses, 7. ground itself in theory, rather than arbitrary pieces of information. There was also an interest in conducting longitudinal studies that looked a long-term, rather than immediate media effects.

George Gerbner, a researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, in Philadelphia, founded the Cultural Indicators Research Project in 1968. The cultural indicators that Gerbner identified include: 1. TV has long-term effects that are gradual and accumulate over time, and 2. The more television watched, the more dangerous people perceived the world to be. The findings have come to be called the cultivation effect of media. Gerbner had studied 450 children in a New Jersy, finding that heavy television viewing produced a, mean world syndrome.

In the 1970s, Elihu Katz, also researching and teaching at the University of Pennsylvania, examined how people use media to fulfill personal and social needs. His theory, called the Uses and Gratification Theory, described active viewers who actively participated in their media consumption. This model reflected the increasing popularity of the cognitive paradigm in psychology that was taking over academic psychology. Katz found that people are driven to media by needs, that they have certain expectations of the media to fulfill those needs, and that a dependency on the media for need gratification could result in unintended consequences. Another Uses and Gratifications theorist, Denis McQuail, pointed out that media serves four types of needs: diversion, personal relationships, personal identity, and surveillance.

Meanwhile, in the cultural studies tradition, a group of exiled, European, theorists were building an influential body of theoretical work in the American universities. The Frankfurt School of Critical Theory was a unique blending of Marxist political analysis and Freudian psychoanalysis. These theorists included: Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse, Erich Fromm, Max Horkheimer, Leo Löwenthal, Walter Benjamin, and Jürgen Habermas. On of the interests of the Critical Theorists was to illustrate the threat to democracy by “dumbing-down” of citizens by “popular” mass media. Today, we find this tradition in the critical media theories of feminism, queer theory, psychoanalysis, Marxist critique, rhetorical, and erotic analysis of the media.

Today, we find media psychology research to be a interdisciplinary field, informed by neuroscience, film studies, sociology, Critical Theory, literary theory, economics, history, art, design, communications, and political science. Media psychology is perhaps the most avant-garde of the psychologies, one that is serving as a model for the future of all of psychology.

Saturday, May 3, 2014

Willis Parker Hoover & The Easton Panorama of 1913


Image by Willis Parker Hoover (1913). http://www.loc.gov/item/2007661505/
In the summer of 1913, a 29 year-old photographer from Williams Township climbed the massive, rocky, overlook at the forks of the Lehigh and Delaware Rivers (known as Mt. Ida), and took three photographs. The fact that Willis Parker Hoover had this panoramic photograph copyrighted and registered at the Library of Congress that same year (the only photograph he would do so with) suggests that he understood the value it would have to those who were to view it over 100 years later.

Matthew T. Giobbi, 2014.
Hoover must have climbed the hill as I did, starting on the southeastern slope, where the railroad passes within feet of the formation. At the time of Hoover's photograph, the rock seems to have been barren of trees, with only some ground cover visible in the lower-left hand corner. Today, the tree growth is quite thick, and seems to be a popular drinking area and latrine. Upon my ascent, I was confronted with a strong stench of human urine and empty liquor bottles. I wondered if Hoover encountered this as well, in an industrial rail area on the outskirts of town?

I considered putting my mirrorless, digital, Fuji camera in my backpack, just in case I would encounter a dangerous situation. I really wasn't sure what I might find atop that rocky crag. Was this Hoover's concern too? I imagine he was probably carrying a 1913 Kodak Autographic, bellows camera. There is no way of knowing; however, the "autographic" came with a special feature for inscribing a photograph, which Hoover did on two of the three images.
Mt. Ida,
http://www.gingerb.com/cnj_trackage_rights_easton_to_allentown.htm

Willis Parker Hoover was born on March 14th, 1884 in Reading, Pennsylvania. According to the 1900 Census, his father was a minister in Reading. With his mother, Mary E., and a servant named Lizzy Lesker, Willis was raised with five other siblings.

On the 10th of November, 1909, Willis married Kathryn May Line in Dauphin County, Pennsylvania. The marriage certificate lists Willis's profession as "photographer," and shows that he lived at 19, South 15th Street, and she at 173, North 15th Street in Harrisburg. By the 1910 Census, Kathryn and Willis were living in Camp Hill, Pennsylvania.


In 1913, when the panoramic photos were taken, Willis must have been living and working as a photographer in Easton, Pennsylvania. On September 12, 1918, Willis registered for the First World War draft in Nazareth, Pennsylvania. The Draft Registration card shows that he was a self-employed photographer, working in a studio at 343, North Street, in Easton. He and his wife lived at R.F.D. 5 in Easton.

In 1915, Kathryn and Willis had a daughter, whom they named Margaret. In 1930, Kathryn, Willis, and their daughter Margaret were living in Williams. By the 1940 Census, Willis (now going by "Willie") and Kathryn were still living in Williams, and are listed as proprietor and clerk of an "art gallery".

May, 2014 by Matthew Giobbi.
On April 27th, 1942, Willis once again registered for the draft; this time for the  for the Second World War. His draft registration card lists him as a 58 year-old photographer with a "ruddy" complexion. At this time, his photography studio was located at 22, South Third Street in Easton. The building currently houses a group of artists's studios. Willis still resided at R.D. 4 in Easton. He seems to have been living with someone named William Nickolas, whom he listed as an emergency contact on his draft registration card.
May, 2014 by Matthew Giobbi

May, 2014 by Matthew Giobbi.
Kathryn passed away in 1950, and Willis in 1954. They were laid to rest at Durham Cemetery in Williams, Pennsylvania. In 1917 a second photographer ventured to the top of the rock peak overlooking Easton. Wm. O. Bixler's image shows the change that the city underwent in four years. In the autumn, when the leaves have fallen from the trees, I will revisit the rock, and spend some time with Willis Parker Hoover. Further research has uncovered a panorama by William Herman Rau, taken in 1896. That archive refers to "Picadilly Hill," which seems to be present day Southside Easton.

William O. Bixler's 1917 panorama of Easton, Pennsylvania. http://www.loc.gov/item/2007661506/
Matthew T. Giobbi 2014 panorama of Easton, Pennsylvania. 
1896 "Easton, panorama from Picadilly Hill," by William Herman Rau. http://www.loc.gov/item/2007661541/


Postcard of Mt. Ida ("Coca-Cola Mountain"). Photographer unknown, around 1910.




Sunday, October 20, 2013

Alfred Adler: The Individual and Media

Let's dwell in the work of Alfred Adler; his cultural, group, and individual processes of a mediated world and a mediated self. Adler began with 12 propositions which serve as the ground or referent for his working system. Like the Ptolemaic, geocentric, worldview; it can function pragmatically. What interests us here is not objective Truth, but rather a functional, pragmatic, system that is both useful and thoughtful. We approach Adler the attitude of radical empiricism.

The 12 propositions (paraphrased):
  1. The fundamental human condition is a striving from a state of "felt minus situation towards a plus situation, from a feeling of inferiority towards superiority, perfection, totality."
  2. We strive towards a biological and environmental self-ideal, a fiction that we (ultimately) create and choose to endorse as our guiding fiction.
  3. We go about our business largely unaware of our guiding fiction, it is unconscious.
  4. The goal (guiding fiction) is a final cause. It is a teleological pull towards the self-deal fiction. One must identify the final fiction to organize the behavior into meaningfulness.
  5. Ones style of life is shaped by this final fiction from an early age. Behavior that seems contradictory or absurd becomes meaningful when viewed from the final fiction of the self-ideal.
  6. The style of life is a system that is comprised of conscious and unconscious processes.
  7. Biological and environmental factors are relative to the goal. Genes and experience are not direct causes but probabilities that function through the style of life towards a self-ideal.
  8. An individual's opinion of themselves and their worldview (enframing) influence all psychological processes.
  9. The individual self is embedded with the social context. The self and context are not independent.
  10. All biological and personal desires become social desires.
  11. The goal of the healthful individual is social interest; an un-narcissistic, non-ego-centered life.
  12. Maladjustment includes lack of social interest, a persistent and defining sense of inferiority, and a goal of personal superiority over others. 
Adler proposes a psychology of context. How can we understand the individual-mediated (figure-ground) phenomena of media psychology through this pragmatic system of thought? What are the implications for thinking through cultural phenomena that we have encountered in media and psychology? If we ask the questions; how does this behavior serve to move from a state of minus (inferiority) to a state of plus? How does the style of life form the worldview that produces the phenomena? How can think from new directions when we consider the fictional finaltude of a media producer and media re-broadcaster (persona)?

Wednesday, September 11, 2013

Ways of Thinking: From Art to Social Science

Chromatic Gradation Effect
I entered into psychology as many of us do; through the life-theorists. I call them life-theorist because they are not merely clinicians who treat the psychologically disturbed, but also, they think about our common experiences of living, and how to go about those experiences most effectively. They can also be called life philosophers because their interest is often less on acquiring facts and more on effective living. Most of us enter into psychology via our interest in Freud, Maslow, Jung, and others that have come to be called psychotherapists. For me psychology was never wholly about therapy and patients; it was more about living, life, and thinking; the psychology of the practitioner.

Once one is in it, one realizes that the field of study is not really a field at all, but rather, fields. We find psychologies rather than psychology. These psychologies each have a unique set of definitions, practices, and ideologies that defines their practices. We sometimes meet another "psychologist" who holds a view similar to ours, of what psychology is.

The first thing we learn about the psychologies is that there are two, distinct, practices. One psychology is that of the research psychologist. Primarily interested in the social, abnormal, personal, cognitive, emotional, perceptual, sensorial, or biological aspects of being human, these folks employ a variety of research methods to either explore, describe, or write the laws of human and nonhuman phenomenon. These psychologists spend their time researching; choosing and using various research methods (choosing the methods that best suit their beliefs about doing research) in order to test, develop, and work through their ideas.

The other side of the field, what we call clinical-counseling psychology, is comprised of individuals who think about, research, and impart strategies for living. This area of study and practice extends from helping the severely mentally ill, considering how to better communicate and interact with others, to exploring the very concept of the existence of the self. Practitioners of this kind of psychology work with others, using their one-on-one and group experiences as research information, to establish their ideas.

I entered psychology as a second profession. I had spent the first  decade of my adult life studying classical music in both European and American conservatories. An art school, music conservatory education is comprised of studio time (we use practice rooms, which are small closets with a piano and a music stand), one-on-one lessons with a master teacher, various classes in the practice, history, understanding, performing, and creation of music, as well as ensemble rehearsal (chamber music and symphony orchestra). There were distinct differences between my music education and my psychology education. Music school, like most art programs, is a unique experience which reminds me of an ancient master-apprentice model of learning. Contrastingly, the academic university system is mostly a classroom experience. In the conservatory we had to perform pieces for our "grade" (something most of my teachers rolled their eyes at), in this university we took tests, delivered and wrote papers for our grade.

Upon entering the university, I was immediately captivated by what was called the science of psychology; the use of the scientific method. I was taught that his is what made psychology a "science". Not unlike music theory, in which each note is analyzed in the context of its harmony and progression, scientific psychology seemed to get to the foundation of what it was considering. I have always relied on analogical thinking to grasp new ideas. It seemed like an easy enough comparison; music had theorist who analyzed its form, harmony, progression, rhythm, and dynamics; we even referred to these as the elements of music. Like the ingredients of a recipe, things could be broken down and analyzed by the elements and procedures that brought them about. It is important to note that in conservatory we never assumed that these elements caused the music. We looked at analysis as a description, not as an ultimate explanation of music. We all understood the function of a V-chord in an I-IV-V progression, but we never felt that the progression (or the chord) caused the music. We simply understood the harmonic analysis as a symbolic representation of the music itself. I would say that, if asked what caused the music, most musicians would say that it was caused by the composer or the performer. As for the emotional aspect of music, that was enisled to our private conversations. Most of my professional musician colleagues were likely to discuss technical aspects of music rather than the emotional experience of the music. Even when emotion was discussed it was referred to as "interpretation" of the composer's intention.

It seems that music theory is the science of music. The observation, description, and even control (there are long-respected rules of composition that all conservatory students learn) of the musical elements is the mission of music theory. However, we never mistook the theory of music as the cause of the music. In this sense, musicians view analysis as description; not as cause and effect lawfulness.

In science, or more accurately in the philosophy of science, we discuss two different kinds of scientific lawfulness: causal laws and correlational laws. Causal laws describe how events are causally related. Correlational laws describe how a events reliably occur together, but do not necessarily have a causal relationship. In our thought experiment of music theory as a scientific method, we can understand harmonic analysis as a description of correlational laws; the harmonic or melodic progression is not seen as the cause of the phenomenon, but rather, a useful description of it. A graphic analysis of a piece of music might be similar to an fMRI image of the brain, in that it displays a symbolic representation of the elements of the phenomenon. Whereas my first thinking about psychological phenomenon was informed by musical art and the humanities, my second inquiry led me to the natural and social sciences. Each

Science, it has been said, is a method; a step-by-step procedure that, if followed, results in reliable models of the phenomenon being studied (Popper). It has also been argued that science is a social action, one that moves by economic, political, and social pressures (Kuhn). The natural sciences (biology, chemistry, physics, and some areas of psychology) study physical stuff. The scientific study of society, economy, emotions, cognitions, and behaviors are called social sciences. Sometimes social scientists are dedicated to defending the status of their discipline as a science, against the natural scientists' criticism that it is a soft science. It has been my experience that a scientist's concern with being a scientist is one that is observed more amongst the social scientists than amongst the natural scientists.

One psychological tradition, in particular, has resonated with me both as a social scientist and as an artist. The Gestalt tradition, originating with Max Wertheimer, continues to bridge the two worlds of art and science for me. The Gestalt theorists were interested in how contextual structures determine meaning. In psychology we find the Gestaltists exploring the then new medium of motion pictures, Virtual Reality, art, and social meaning. Kurt Lewin, who is considered to be the founder of social psychology, was a Gestalt thinker. The essence of the Gestalt position is best expressed, I believe, in the chromatic gradation effect in the above graphic. We find here the phenomenon take on meaning in relation to their environment. The Gestalt (the grounding) is the empirical or rational background that the phenomenon emerges within. Like notes in a chord or melody, we manifest not from our environment but with it.

Tuesday, July 23, 2013

Games People Play on Facebook

In last month's guest blog at Lehigh Valley Style Magazine, I introduced Eric Berne's system of Transactional Analysis and how it can be used to understand the games people play with each other through social media. I am not talking about Candy Crush or FarmVille, but rather games of discourse that have even higher stakes and bigger payoffs than do the highly addictive video games. Here is a continuation of that blog on the Games People Play on Facebook.
As Berne described in his 1964 text Games People Play,  Transactional Analysis (TA) is based on classic, psychoanalytic theory. The personality is described as three ego states: the Child, Parent, and Adult. These correspond to the Freudian Id, Super-ego, and Ego. At any given time, we can respond to another person from one of these three ego states. We can also react to others who approach us from a particular ego state.

Ego States
The child ego state comes in two forms: the happy-go-lucky, curious, and naive, natural child, and the submissive, sheepish, eager to please, adaptive child. The natural child is free-spirited and curious. The adaptive child only expresses their true feelings at the risk of losing their parents' (or lovers) approval. The child ego state (that we uniquely express) is a result of our own, personal childhood.

The parent ego state is learned from our parents. We can have a loving and supporting, nurturing parent ego state, or a harsh and judgmental critical parent ego state. The parent ego state which we express mimics our youngest experiences with our parents.

The adult ego state is rational, logical, and emotionally reserved. From this ego state we do not react, but rather, we deliberately consider our response in a rational way. Anger, fear, and ecstatic jubilation are replaced by sober contemplation.

Transactions
Berne's idea is that the trouble begins when we react to others from a parent or child ego state. Games begin when one habitually approaches us from a child ego state, forcing us to either play along (flirt and tease) from our child ego state, or to take responsibility and control over the situation (from our adult ego state). The ego state from which we approach others can influence from which ego state the respond to us.

Take for example a transaction between a professor and a student.

(Student enters the classroom late)
Professor: "You are late! How dare you disrupt my lecture? Get out!"
Student: "Who do you think you are talking to me like that!"

In this example the professor and the student are both speaking from the critical parent ego state. The winner will be the person who has the most power. Let's see how a student responds from the adaptive child ego state.
(Student enters the classroom late)
Professor: "You are late! How dare you disrupt my lecture? Get out!"
Student: (head down and leaving) "I'm sorry, I always mess up."
Here we see that there is a moral sado-masochistic relationship taking place. The professor speaks from the position of critical parent and the student responds, as he probably does with his own father, from the adaptive child ego state. But what happens if the student responds to the critical parent from the adult ego state?

(Student enters the classroom late)
Professor: "You are late! How dare you disrupt my lecture? Get out!"
Student: "You are absolutely correct professor, this was inconsiderate and atypical of me, my car broke down. I did make a considerable effort to make it to class, may I please remain to hear the lecture?"
In this example the critical parent is met with an adult ego state response from the student. The only choice the professor has (without looking like a heel) is to respond from an adult ego state as well, "thank yes, please have a seat".


Karpman Triangle & Strokes as Payoffs
These transactions can be analyzed into typical patterns which Berne called games. The payoff of a game, the big prize, is a stroking. Emotional stroking is akin to physical stroking as an infant, when we interact with someone we acknowledge their worth as a person, even if we interact with them harshly, we are acknowledging that they mean something to us. To ignore someone is the ultimate insult, to not acknowledge them as having any meaning in our lives. People can get strokes in habitual ways. Stephen Karpman illustrated that we can fall into patterns for getting strokes from others by adopting one of three roles. We can get our strokes by being victims, persecutors, or rescuers.

A victim gets stroked by a rescuer (positive attention) as well as from the persecutor (negative attention). Whether good or bad, the attention affirms that they mean something to someone.

The persecutor and the rescuer both get power strokes to their ego. One comes from a critical parent, the other from a nurturing parent ego state.

Complimentary, Crossed & Ulterior Transactions
There are complimentary transactions and crossed transactions. A complimentary transaction is anything that goes on indefinitely. For example, adult-adult (problem solving) transaction, a parent-parent ("kids these days..." type conversations), or child-child (flirting). Parent-child and child-parent transactions can also continue indefinitely. If you have ever wondered why so and so always makes you feel dumb, or why you always feel superior to such-and-such, there is probably a P-C or C-P transaction taking place.

The trouble begins when we have crossed transactions. A crossed transaction occurs when person A speaks from A-A and person B responds from C-P or P-C. In other words, when we react to a perfectly honest compliment or criticism as if it was coming from a parent or a child ego state.

There are also ulterior transactions, which take place when person B is ostensibly responding to person A, but is really intending the response for person C. This happens all of the time on Facebook. When a person replies to a friend's post, not as a reply to that friend, but rather, as a cloaked message to a third person, it is an ulterior transaction.

Psychological Games
Before we take a brief look at the most common psychological games found on Facebook walls, let's illustrate two briefer forms of exchanges that we find; rituals and pastimes. A ritual is a brief, symbolic transaction that serve to "grease the wheels of social interchange" (James & Jongeward). An example often used is the everyday greetings that we symbolically use to acknowledge another; "Hello, how are you?"

A pastime is a longer, superficial, conversation that serves to meet the demands of social interaction while remaining safe in superficiality. We find this conversation amongst strangers at a party (nervous "weather" talk), or about other surface level topics like sports or politics. The defining characteristic of pastime conversation is that it is always general, flimsy, and safe. It serves to avoid any confrontation that is risked when a genuine conversation takes place.

Eric Berne described a psychological game as, "a recurring set of transactions, often repetitive, superficially rational, with a concealed motivation; or, more colloquially, as a series of transactions with a gimmick." A game prevents honest, open, and authentic relationships between people. A person often uses a psychological game to avoid emotional intimacy, avoid the vulnerability that is a part of any healthful relationship, and to maintain control over others.

Some of the games we play happen between employees and employers, students and teachers, parents and children, and between friends and lovers. All function to either avoid authentic intimacy, maintain control, or stroke one's ego.

A common game that avoids authentic contact with others is called the harried executive. This person avoids any commitment of responsibility to others by always being in a hurry to get to some pressing, important meeting. The strategy here is; "keeping it brief keeps me out of commitment and the vulnerability of authentic interaction". It also serves to stroke the individual's ego by having to attend to important matters.

In Ain't it Awful takes place when the boss or husband leaves the room. It is banter between fellow employees, husbands, wives, and students who use the game to maintain a sense of control over someone.

More involved games include what Berne called stamp collecting. Authors of Born to Win, James and Jongeward, put it this way:

"When people 'collect their stamps,' they manipulate others to hurt them, to belittle them, to  anger them, to frighten them, to arouse their guilt, etc. They accomplish this by provoking or inviting others to play certain roles or by imagining that another person has done something to them... When people manipulate others to re-experience and collect these old feelings, they are indulging themselves (often with the permission and encouragement of the Parent ego state). This form of self-indulgence is a racket. Berne defines rackets as "Self-indulgence in feelings of guilt, inadequacy, hurt, fear, and resentment..."
A commonly found game is called Kick Me, a game that is often people who self-indulge in guilt. In Kick Me, a person wears a sign that says "don't kick me" which makes it irresistible for others to not want to kick them. Once kicked, his game shifts to Why Does This Always Happen To Me, another game of guilt. This is a game of the constant loser, the person who seems to take pride in their misfortunes. Berne describes this mentality as "My misfortunes are better than yours." It is a game that strokes ego, and places one on the moral high-ground, thus controlling another. Kick Me is often found in people who put themselves down. It is a way of maintaining control over others by saying, "I will hit myself before you can hit me."

A variation of Kick Me is called Stupid. Here is a transaction from the text Born to Win:

Son: I am stupid.
Father: You are not stupid.
Son: Yes, I am
Father: You are not. Remember how smart you were at camp? The counselor thought you were one of the brightest.
Son: How do you know what he thought?
Father: He told me so.
Son: Yeah, how come he called me stupid all the time?
Father: He was just kidding.
Son: I am stupid, and I know it. Look at my grades in school.
Father: You just have to work harder.
Son: I already work harder and it doesn't help. I have no brains.
Father: You are smart, I know.
Son: I am stupid, I know.
Father: You are not stupid! (loudly)
Son: Yes I am!
Father: You are not stupid, stupid!
In Stupid, an individual takes comfort in their feelings of depression or sorrow. It is called collecting "blue" stamps.

In I'm OK, You're not-OK a person collects stamps (reassures their sense of self) through anger and hostility towards others. Take for example the husband who is always being schooled by his wife, or the friend who is always saying "If you would have listened to me". In this game, a person builds themselves up at the expense of those around her.

See What You Made Me Do is a classic game of blame. Unwilling to take responsibility for their own failure, which would threaten a fragile ego, this person always has someone to blame for their short-fallings. "Some people can collect feelings of purity, blamelessness, and self-righteousness," James and Jongeward explain.  This is a common game between companions.

Often we send messages to others, not only through what we say, but how we say it, when we say it, our body language, how we dress, and what we choose to post on our walls. In TA these are called "sweatshirt messages" and are akin to the memes and messages we post on our facebook walls. "The person whose shoulders droop, who whine and look anxious, may wear a sweatshirt message that says, 'Please Don't Kick Me. I'm a Victim'. Their invisible messages give their associates a come-on, either to put them down or to try to help them" (James and Jongeward). Some people play "dumb" and wear the "Gee Whiz, what can you expect from a fool like me?" message. Of course this is a way to get others to take over responsibility.

One of the favorite, but serious, games is called RAPO. This happens when a persecutor poses as a victim, and drops the axe on an unsuspecting rescuer. RAPO refers to emotional raping. Other messages that one can observe include:

I'm Going to Get You If You Don't Watch Out
Lean on Me, I'm the Rock of Gibraltar
Don't Worry, I'll Take Care of You
I'm Better Than You
Catch Me if You Can
Keep Your Distance
I'm So Fragile
I'm So Good and Pure
Screw You

If we carefully look at the patterns of our Facebook posts, we will see that certain themes exist in our messages. We are not only sending others a message, we are reinforcing a belief about ourselves, to ourselves. When others validate those messages with a like it serves as evidence that our self-view is accurate; if others believe it about me, it must be true!

But these messages often contain subtextual messages that are the opposite of their surface-level appearance.  Psychologist Fritz Perls described the game of Bear-trappper this way:

"The bear-trappers suck you in and give you the come-on, and when you're sucked in, down comes the hatchet and you stand there with a bloody nose, head, or whatever. And if you are fool enough to ram your head against the wall until you begin to bleed and be exasperated, then the bear-trapper enjoys himself and enjoys the control he has over you, to render you inadequate, impotent, and he enjoys his victorious self which does a lot for his feeble self-esteem." (Perls)


 In the game of Uproar two people who enjoy a good fight sit down to play. One takes on the role of persecutor, the other of defendant, but both are persecutors. Person A makes a critical remark to person B, which is almost always a strategy to avoid closeness with others. We see this game played between domineering fathers and teenage daughters (Berne). Father finds fault with daughter, daughter clashes, both storm off to their rooms. The payoff is they both slam the door on genuine intimacy and vulnerability. Sometimes person B will provoke the criticism of person A, just to get the ball rolling.



Life Scripts
In Transactional Analysis, we are also aware of Life Scripts. James and Jongeward explain:

"A psychological script bears a striking resemblance to a theatrical script. Each has a prescribed cast of characters, dialogue, acts and scenes, themes and plots, which move toward a climax and end with a final curtain. A psychological script is a person;s ongoing program for a life drama which dictates where the person in going with his or her life and the path that they will lead there. It is a drama an individual compulsively acts out, though one's awareness of it may be vague."

We follow many different scripts, these are the narratives that inform our approach to living. "Does someone like me do this sort of thing" could be as commonly thought as "what would someone whom I'd like to believe myself to be (and like others to believe too) do in this situation" is a more accurate gist of the question. When others interpret our life script in a way that is incongruent with our own self-view, we can react in two, broad ways. If we truly believe in our sense of self, it is at most a minor misunderstanding. If we are hostile and putt-off by their perception of us, perhaps we are not so convinced ourselves that they are not, after all, seeing more clearly than we are.